31 juillet 2007

De retour !

De retour des minuscules vacances que j'ai décidé de m'accorder cette été.

Et à ceux qui ont "pété les plombs" parce que leurs commentaires ont été retenus quelques jours par le système de modération du blogue, je n'ai qu'une chose à dire: fermez votre ordinateur et allez jouer dehors !

P.S.: Je n'ai toujours pas eu de nouvelles des avocats de "kosmoz" qui menace d'intenter contre moi un procès pour "incitation à la haine raciale"…  Depuis quand le "jihadisme" c'est une race ?

31 juillet 2007

Top 5 USA États-Unis Top Actualité

Le Top 5 de l'actualité américaine (22-27 juillet) selon le Pew Research Center:

Actualités États-Unis

The Media's Summer of Terror Jitters Continues

The nation’s effort to combat terrorism was not the biggest story last week, according to PEJ’s News Coverage Index from July 22-27. That designation went to the 2008 Presidential campaign, which filled 12% of the newshole, and was fueled by the July 23 CNN/YouTube debate. The continuing showdown between the Democratic-led Congress and beleaguered attorney general Alberto Gonzales was the second-biggest story at 6%.

But driven by the “dry run” airport scare, terror did finish as the third-biggest story of the week, filling 4% of the newshole. (It got the most coverage on cable at 6%.) And although there have been no successful major attacks in recent weeks, the subject has become a major staple of the media menu.

Starting with the foiled car bomb plot in London on June 29, terrorism has been a top-five story in each of the past five weeks. In the week of July 1-6, the unfolding “doctors’ plot” to launch attacks in London and at the Glasgow airport helped make terror the top story in the media. The week after that, it was Chertoff’s “gut feeling” and a new report warning of a strengthened Al-Qaeda threat that made the top-five story list. And in the period from July 15-20, the National Intelligence Estimate again warning of a reconstituted Al-Qaeda helped make terror concerns the third-biggest story of the week.

Yet this current outbreak of coverage was preceded by a long period of minimal media attention. Terrorism, or the threat of it, was not a top-10 story in nine of the 12 weeks leading up to the discovery of the UK car bomb plot. And only once in that three-month period—with the foiling of a plan to attack New Jersey’s Fort Dix—did the topic make the top-five story roster.

The current terrorism narrative in the news media was triggered by a major event—the failed attack in London. But since then, it has been fueled largely by public pronouncements and reports that have reinforced the sense of heightened vulnerability without divulging specific details or warnings. That may leave many Americans confused about the actual threat level. And in the post 9/11 world, it is enough to trigger a summer of jittery terror news.

The war in Iraq, which the Bush administration and supporters consider a key front in the war on terror while detractors see it as a diversion from that mission, helped round out the top-five story list last week. The policy debate (fourth-biggest story at 4%) was followed by the impact of the war on the homefront (fifth at 3%) and events in Iraq (sixth at 3%).

The Media's Summer of Terror Jitters Continues

30 juillet 2007

Just do it ! Économie En Vidéos International Mondialisation

Extrait du documentaire "Globalisation is good" de Johan Norberg. Voici comment la mondialisation, via les sweatshops peuvent sortir un pays de la pauvreté.

Il serait impératif que ce documentaire soit traduit en français et diffusé au Québec !

30 juillet 2007

Terres de liberté Chine En Chiffres États-Unis France International Israël Moyen-Orient Venezuela

Quand on parle d'Israël, il y a toujours un "Jos Connaissant" pour venir nous citer Jimmy Carter et nous casser les oreilles en disant qu'Israël pratique l'apartheid.

Pourquoi Israël est le pays le plus critiqué du Moyen-Orient, alors qu'en réalité cet état est un oasis de liberté…

Voici comment se classe les pays du Moyen-Orient en fonction des libertés: religieuses, politiques et civiques.

N.B.: Chaque "liberté" est notée de 1 à 7 (1=le plus libre et 7=le moins libre)


On devrait louanger Israël pour avoir été capable d'implanter la liberté dans cette région.

Voici la situation dans les pays capitalistes et dans les pays communistes:

Liberté capitalisme Liberté communisme

Hudson Institute
Country Religious Freedom Scores Compared to Freedom House Rankings of Political Rights and Civil Liberties

29 juillet 2007

L’empire imaginaire En Citations États-Unis Philosophie

Bernard-Henri Levy

Bernard-Henri Lévy (Radio-Canada, Vendredi 12 mai 2006):

"Moi, je suis, je suis très méfiant à l'endroit du concept d'empire américain. Vous savez, l'empire, ça veut dire une chose précise. Moi, je sais bien ce que c'est que l'empire, moi Français, on a eu un empire, nous, les Français, un empire colonial, et c'est pas la page la plus rose de notre histoire, comme vous savez, c'est une page noire de l'histoire européenne. Donc l'empire, c'est notre affaire à nous Européens, c'est notre fardeau, c'est notre honte. Les Américains n'ont pas d'empire. C'est pas vrai. C'est pas comme ça que ça marche. Vous regardez comment ça se passe, leurs opérations militaires sont toutes foireuses, ils interviennent en Somalie, ils se sauvent à toute vitesse. Ils sont en Irak, ils s'enlisent. En Amérique latine, supposée être leur chasse gardée, Morales, Chavez, Castro toujours là, qui paradent avec, etc. C'est pas un empire, ça."

29 juillet 2007

L’occident en chiffres: l’éducation Canada Économie En Chiffres États-Unis Europe

Donnés relatives à l'éducation post-secondaire en Amérique du Nord:

% de la population (25-64 ans) avec une éducation post-secondaire
Éducation OCDE

Éducation OCDE

OECD Regions at a Glance 2007

In today’s knowledge-based economy a region’s growth prospects depend to a large extent on its ability to generate and use innovation. This capability, in turn, depends, among other factors, on the skills level of the regional labour force. The proportion of the adult population with tertiary education is a common proxy for a region’s skills level.

Concentration of tertiary-level attainment in urban regions is often the result of migration away from rural areas. The existence of significant differentials in the return to education between rural and urban areas is a major incentive for individuals with advanced educational levels to migrate to urban regions.

Dimanche prochain
L'occident en chiffres: l'accès à la propriété

28 juillet 2007

Un pays au bord de la guerre civile ? Venezuela

Quand même les médias de gauche remettent en question le comportement de Chavez…

« We have been subjected to a political rhetoric which in some way justifies the use of violence as a response to poverty, » said Bellame. « What Chávez has not grasped is that you can’t create solidarity by decree. »

New Statesman
Chávez: From hero to tyrant

The divisive policies of "El Presidente" are turning friends into enemies. Some claim his strident rhetoric risks provoking civil war. Alice O'Keeffe reports from Caracas

In the corner of a toyshop in downtown Caracas lay a dusty pile of battery-operated talking Hugo Chávez dolls. El Presidente was dressed in full military regalia and, at the touch of a button, would deliver a speech on the Bolivarian revolution. "Sale: half-price," said a notice propped up on top. The sales assistant gave them a disparaging glance. "I wish I could buy them all," she said conspiratorially, "so I could burn them."

One thing you can say with certainty about Venezuela's president is that he provokes strong emotions. People in Caracas offer their political opinions almost before introducing themselves. On my first foray into the city's streets, I asked a bookseller where I could buy a map, and he gripped my arm fervently before replying: "There is only one thing you need to know about Caracas, and that is that we are revolutionaries." The whole population has been politicised; it has also been polarised into two ferociously hostile camps, Chavistas and the derogatorily named opposition of "esqualidos" ("squalid people"). The tone of debate is so angry that the situation is often described as a "cold civil war".

With a power-crazed Chávez at the helm, the fear is that it may not remain cold.

Like many cities in Latin America, Caracas is characterised by the sharp contrast between its spacious and tranquil affluent areas and the poor, gang-ridden barrios that sprawl up the surrounding hills. Since the attempted right-wing coup that briefly deposed Chávez in 2002, a dangerous face-off between the two has been evolving. Carlos Caridad Montero, a Caracas-based film-maker, took me to see one of the city's front lines: the motorway that runs between Petare, the largest barrio, and the middle-class area of Terrazas del Ávila. On one side of the road, the brick shacks of Petare are stacked on top of each other like brightly coloured Lego. On the other stands a set of grim, if slightly better-heeled, tower blocks.

"Everyone in these blocks is armed in case the gangs from Petare try to invade the area," Carlos told me. "And on the other side, you have the gangs, who are also heavily armed. In Petare, they call the people who live on this side gringos, as if they were American rather than Venezuelan."

William Ury, a conflict resolution expert at Harvard, identifies three typical symptoms of a country on the brink of civil war. The first is that the population begins to arm itself; the second is that each side begins to dehumanise and impute evil intentions to the other; and the third is the politicisation of the media. Contemporary Venezuela has each of these conditions in abundance. Ury suggests that the key to defusing the threat is to strengthen the "third side": those organisations or people who empathise with both sides of the conflict and will encourage others to resolve their differences non-violently.

The Chávez regime is making it increasingly difficult for anyone to remain on the "third side". Carlos has good left-wing credentials (he trained in Cuba). He is broadly sympathetic to Chávez, but is also concerned about the effects of political polarisation. However, working for Villa del Cine, the year-old government-backed cinema organisation, he will be expected to produce what the minister of culture has termed "cinema with an ideological tendency". Films perceived to be critical of the government or to cast Venezuela in a bad light will not be welcomed. "I co-operate because I believe there is important work to be done that does not involve criticising Chávez," he said. "The problem is that as soon as I tell people who I am working for they assume my work is 'propaganda'. You are forced on to one side or the other."

Another prominent film director, Alejandro Bellame, told me that "it is true we still have nominal freedom of speech. But now what you say has consequences. If you dare to criticise, more and more doors will be closed to you. This system rewards loyalty above talent or hard work."

Despite the divisive revolutionary rhetoric, many middle-class professionals support Chávez's determination to integrate poorer communities into Venezuelan politics. Yanay Arrocha, a publicist working for the recently closed anti-Chávez television station Radio Caracas Televisión (RCTV), told me: "The achievement of this government has been that the great majority of people now discuss politics and are interested in the nation. Poor people understand that they have rights, and rich people understand that they have a responsibility, and that there are problems to resolve." But the price has been a painful erosion of common values, she said. "The attitude that is transmitted from the top is that if you think differently from me, you are my enemy."

The social breakdown in Venezuela makes its presence felt in many ways, not least the 80 per cent increase since 2000 in the number of Venezuelans – mainly the educated professionals any developing country desperately needs – living in the United States. Street crime and delinquency have also grown alarmingly: according to the United Nations, Venezuela recently overtook Brazil in having the highest rate of gun- related violence in the world among nations not at war.

In Caracas, homicide has become the most common cause of death for men between 15 and 25. Much of the violence is contained in the poorer barrios, although "express" kidnappings and carjackings are a significant preoccupation across the city. "We have been subjected to a political rhetoric which in some way justifies the use of violence as a response to poverty," said Bellame. "What Chávez has not grasped is that you can't create solidarity by decree."

Chaos and unrest

Until lately, opposition to Chávez was characterised as "right-wing" or, in the terminology used by the president and his supporters, "imperialist". Since May, when the government shut down RCTV, the country's most popular channel, this has been changing fast. The charges against it were of anti-government bias, in particular its refusal to air news of the pro-Chávez protests that brought him back to power after the 2002 coup. However, RCTV was predominantly an entertainment channel, and showed some of the nation's favourite soap operas, or "novelas". In a young country, its 53-year broadcasting history gave it national heritage status; one acquaintance described it as "part of our collective consciousness". Polls showed that 70 per cent of Venezuelans disagreed with the decision to take it off the air.

RCTV has been replaced by TVes (pronounced té vès, or "you see yourself"), a government channel that has the apparently laudable aim of moving away from a western, consumerist agenda and reflecting the "real" Venezuela. But when I tuned in at prime time on a Saturday evening, it was broadcasting an hour-long programme about the armed forces, encouraging conscription to the reserves. An army general was explaining, over footage of Iraqi insurgents waving guns, that ordinary Venezuelans had to be trained in tactics of "asymmetrical resistance".

"What the country needs now is union, complete union between the population and the armed forces," he said. The journalist conducting the interview smiled and nodded.

"Chávez is, above all, a military man," explained Ivo Her nández, a professor of political science, when I went to see him at the Simón Bolívar public university on the outskirts of Caracas. "Politics for him is a battle: there are no greys – just black and white. The idea of doing things consensually doesn't enter his head. In no sense does this situation benefit Venezuelans from any social group. He has caused too much chaos and unrest for the country to develop." The university itself is buzzing with dissent, with "freedom of speech" graffiti daubed on walls and cars throughout the leafy complex. Students in yellow T-shirts run around putting up posters advertising rallies and protest marches.

The RCTV shutdown has been the catalyst for an important new wave of opposition, spearheaded by a national student movement. Almost daily, students have been marching through the streets of the capital, protesting against curbs on freedom of speech and, crucially, on the independence of universities (Chávez has announced plans to replace independent student unions with government-friendly "Popular Student Power" councils). The protesters – who are from public and private universities alike, and therefore from diverse social backgrounds – do not use the emotive anti-Chávez rhetoric employed by the right-wing opposition. Instead, they promote the idea of "national reconciliation", which they symbolise by painting their hands white.

I attended a student rally at a baseball stadium in central Caracas. Thousands of young people from around the country were packed in, waving Venezuelan flags and chanting, "We are students, not coup-plotters." Sindy ópez, a fresh-faced 19-year-old from Simón Bolívar University, was there with her friend Maria González.

"When they closed RCTV, we really got desperate, and furious about the lack of freedom of expression and diversity of thought," she said. "We realised we could not let it carry on. It is not like the president says – I'm not from the elite; my family doesn't even own a house. I just can't see this happen to my country."

Chávez has responded to the protests by claiming that those involved are "representatives of the international bourgeoisie" who are being manipulated by the right. He called on those living in the barrios to "defend our revolution from this fascist aggression" – a comment that was interpreted by many RCTV supporters as an incitement to attack.

"We have been trying to make our voices heard non- violently," said one protester. "The problem is that the president wants violence." So far, the marches have been peaceful.

The students have been dubbed the "2007 generation" by the Venezuelan media, and have become a focus for protest from other pockets of opposition, including journalists. Their agenda centres on inclusive politics; having grown up under Chávez, they are well aware that they will not succeed without the support of poor communities. They are attempting to create a dialogue, with students who live in the barrios being encouraged to set up discussions and consultations that feed back into the movement.

"Every one of us needs to bring the debate to their work, their family, their barrio," said one of the student leaders, Stalin González. "We don't want to impose any idea or ideology on anyone. All we want is for every Venezuelan to have a say in how we construct this country."

Chávez will have to listen to their message – and soon.

27 juillet 2007

C’est l’histoire d’un communiste… États-Unis Gauchistan Venezuela


Question de bien finir la semaine, une petite blague…

Un vénézuélien et un américain se rencontrent et discutent politique.

« Chez nous, dit l’américain, règne la liberté totale. Si je veux, je peux crier au coeur de Washington que le président Bush est un idiot, rien ne m’arriverait ».

« Chez nous c’est pareil, dit le vénézuélien. Je peux aussi crier en plein milieu de Caracas que Georges Bush est un imbécile, rien ne m’arriverait ».

27 juillet 2007

Le résistant et le terroriste France Moyen-Orient Palestine Terrorisme

Parce que la gogauche aime bien entretenir un floue artistique entre la notion de résistance et de terrorisme, voici en rappel un billet que j’avais écrit le 14 février 2007.

1- Le résistant Français:

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2- Le terroriste palestinien:

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C’est le courage et la dignité du résistant versus la lâcheté et la barbarie du terroriste.

Jamais les résistants français, malgré leurs moyens extrêmement limités par rapport à la Wehrmacht, ont utilisé l’attentat suicide pour tuer des civils.

Mécanique Terroriste